2.4 OF THE PRESENT ABILITY OF AMERICA, WITH SOME MISCELLANEOUS REFLES
I have never met with a maher in England or America, who hath not fessed his opinion that a separatioween the tries, would take plae time or other: And there is no instance, in which we have shewn less judgement, than in endeav to describe, what we call the ripeness or fitness of the ti for independence.
As all men allow the measure, and vary only in their opinion of the time, let us, in order to remove mistakes, take a general survey of things, and endeavour, if possible, to find out the VERY time. But we need not go far, the inquiry ceases at once, for, the TIME HATH FOUND US.
The general currehe glorious union of all things prove the fact.
It is not in numbers, but in unity, that reat strength lies; yet our present numbers are suffit to repel the force of all the world.
The ti hath, at this time, the largest body of armed and disciplined men of any power under Heaven; and is just arrived at that pitch of strength, in whio single y is able to support itself, and the whole, when united, aplish the matter, aher more, or, less than this, might be fatal in its effects. Our land force is already suffit, and as to naval affairs, we ot be insensible, that Britain would never suffer an Ameri man of war to be built, while the ti remained in her hands. Wherefore, we should be no forwarder an hundred years hen that branch, than we are now; but the truth is, we should be less so, because the timber of the try is every day diminishing, and that, which will remain at last, will be far off and difficult to procure.
Were the ti crowded with inhabitants, her sufferings uhe present circumstances would be intolerable. The more seaport towns we had, the more should we have both to defend and to lose. Our present numbers are so happily proportioo our wants, that no man need be idle.
The diminution of trade affords an army, and the ies of an army create a rade.
Debts we have none; and whatever we may tra this at will serve as a glorious memento of our virtue. we but leave posterity with a settled form of gover, an indepe stitution of its own, the purchase at any price will be cheap. But to expend millions for the sake of getting a few vile acts repealed, and routing the present ministry only, is unworthy the charge, and is using posterity with the utmost cruelty; because it is leaving them the great work to do, and a debt upon their backs, from which they derive no advantage. Such a thought is unworthy of a man of honor, and is the true characteristic of a narrow heart and a peddling politi.
The debt we may tract doth not deserve ard, if the work be but aplished. No nation ought to be without a debt.
A national debt is a national bond; and when it bears no i, is in no case a grievance. Britain is oppressed with a debt of upwards of one hundred and forty millions sterling, for which she pays upwards of four millions i. And as a pensation for her debt, she has a large navy; America is without a debt, and without a navy; yet for the tweh part of the English national debt, could have a navy as large again. The navy of England is not worth, at this time, more than three millions and an half sterling.
The first and sed editions of this pamphlet were published without the following calculations, which are now given as a proof that the above estimation of the navy is just.
[See Entiaval history, intro. pa